Schatz Criticizes Trump’s ‘Small, Insular, Mercenary’ Foreign Policy, Discusses Rebuilding American Foreign Assistance

WASHINGTON – Speaking at the Council on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senator Brian Schatz (D-Hawai‘i), Ranking Member of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on State and Foreign Operations, condemned the Trump administration’s wholesale dismantling of American foreign assistance and its abrupt departure from generations of bipartisan American foreign policy consensus. He underscored the various ways the administration’s cuts are costing lives and disrupting work critical to American interests around the world. Schatz also outlined ways in which the foreign assistance enterprise could be reformed to be more disciplined and effective going forward.

“The existing tools of American foreign policy have served us, and the world, well,” said Senator Schatz, a member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. “American leadership has deterred conflict and forged peace; cured diseases and slashed poverty. It has advanced equality, unleashed unprecedented economic prosperity, and powered extraordinary breakthroughs in science and technology. The world order we’ve established, flawed as it is, and as episodically counterproductive as our actions have been, is far better than the alternatives. But we now have a president and Secretary of State in Marco Rubio who are racing to shatter it.”

Senator Schatz continued, “Legitimate, lawful, and lasting reform is not just possible, but necessary. For foreign assistance, that means rethinking what we do, where we do it, and how we do it. I’m not arguing that we shrink the scope of our ambitions or the scale of our investments. What I am advocating for is a more disciplined approach.”

“Whether this moment is a requiem or a recess for American leadership is up to all of us. Because for all of the chaos and suffering of the past 4 months, we’re still in a position to rebuild the enterprise. We can still return to being the indispensable nation, as Madeleine Albright used to say. But that requires recapturing our ambition to once again be big, and bold, and expansive, and engaged, and innovative. And it demands a forceful rejection of the false choices being presented about strength and greatness and patriotism,” Senator Schatz concluded.

A copy of Senator Schatz’s remarks, as prepared for delivery, is below. Video is available here.

Good evening, everyone. It’s a pleasure to be here with all of you, and I want to thank the Council on Foreign Relations for having me.

The toll of President Trump’s foreign policy, both on a human level and in policy terms, is rising every day. Children are starving. Mothers are passing HIV onto their newborns. Countries that were partners for decades are now turning to China for help. And our friends and allies, feeling confused and betrayed, are moving on without us.

But this moment also raises an essential question about the future. Which is: what does a modern American foreign policy – one that is smart and strategic – look like? How do we adapt to reflect the lessons of recent decades and face future challenges?

And here’s the truth. The existing tools of American foreign policy have served us, and the world, well. American leadership has deterred conflict and forged peace; cured diseases and slashed poverty. It has advanced equality, unleashed unprecedented economic prosperity, and powered extraordinary breakthroughs in science and technology. And so while I get the gravitational pull towards newness, we don’t need to outsmart ourselves, either.

The world order we’ve established, flawed as it is, and as episodically counterproductive as our actions have been, is far better than the alternatives. But we now have a president and Secretary of State in Marco Rubio who are racing to shatter it.

President Trump’s narrow and transactional view of the world is not news to anyone. What is genuinely surprising is that Secretary Rubio is aligning himself so closely with it. This is someone who, up until 4 months ago, was an internationalist. Someone who believed in America flexing its powers in all manners, but especially through foreign assistance. And yet, he is now responsible for the evisceration of the whole enterprise. He’s a colleague. I voted for him. And what I’m trying to understand is: what happened? Has he suddenly changed his mind on all of this? Or is someone else in charge?

We could have done this well – and together. If the goal was to reform foreign assistance, rather than gut it from top to bottom, then the administration was pushing on an open door. In fact, my first meeting with Lindsey Graham at the start of the year when I became Ranking Member of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on State and Foreign Operations was about reforms. What’s working and what’s not? Does our work match our priorities? How can we better align our investments and our objectives? But you don’t fix something by burning it down.

Legitimate, lawful, and lasting reform is not just possible, but necessary. For foreign assistance, that means rethinking what we do, where we do it, and how we do it. The objectives are the same as they’ve always been – keeping Americans safe, strengthening American businesses overseas, saving lives, and promoting rights and freedoms. The question is: how do we pursue them?

And it’s through things like PEPFAR which is the most successful global health program in history. It’s saved 26 million lives to date and enabled local health systems to combat the spread of diseases, making the whole world safer and healthier. But because of the administration’s indiscriminate cuts to HIV testing and treatment, thousands of children have already died, and an estimated half a million more could die in the next 5 years. 2030 was our goal to end the HIV/AIDS pandemic. But we’re now moving backwards with more – not fewer – people dying. Kids are dying because we walked away.

Our work in the Indo-Pacific is important for several reasons – geopolitics, security, trade, climate. But our security partnerships with Vietnam, for example, are possible because of USAID’s health and climate programs which also help address the legacies of the Vietnam War. Abandoning those projects overnight hurts both of our countries.

And on foreign military financing, which has helped make us the security partner of choice globally, the administration initially froze billions of dollars, forcing our allies to beg for the money that they count on.

Going forward, the task is two-fold: restoring the things that were clearly working. And that requires processes that actually work and staff who are allowed to work. But most of all, it requires Secretary Rubio’s undivided attention. And then second, we have to look at what we can be doing better.

And that starts with doing fewer things. Not less, but fewer – and there is a big difference. I’m not arguing that we shrink the scope of our ambitions or the scale of our investments. What I am advocating for is a more disciplined approach. Just because there’s a lot of great and worthy work that we could be doing doesn’t mean we should be the ones doing it. We’re not a private foundation.

Second, we have to reduce our overreliance on big contractors with high overhead. Contractors shouldn’t be bigger than the agencies that oversee them. And less overhead means more money in the field, actually helping people. Along those lines, we need to stop overregulating our implementing partners and be more flexible about how money is spent.

Third, there’s a lot of private capital flowing in the world. The challenge sometimes is getting it to flow to the places and projects that we want it to. But we can help fix that with grant dollars that help private sector-led projects pencil out. It’s a good example where the U.S. government doesn’t have to assume the majority of the burden. But we can be smarter about leveraging our resources to achieve outcomes that are in our interest.

And finally, where possible, we should work to transfer the delivery of basic services – food, water, education – to partner governments. Otherwise, our development programs aren’t actually development programs. They’re service delivery programs with no end in sight. And that’s not helping anyone.

This isn’t an exhaustive list, but those are the kinds of reforms we should be working toward in our annual appropriations bill. Now, the good news is that there’s longstanding, bipartisan support for this bill. Because leaders and members on both sides of the Capitol understand that we can’t do foreign policy without the tools of foreign policy. It doesn’t matter where you are on the ideological spectrum. You need tools to implement your policies. And so we’re starting to work toward a bill on that basis, and we have a hearing on it next week with Secretary Rubio.

President Trump’s version of America – small, insular, mercenary – is fundamentally un-American. It’s antithetical to not just our belief, but the world’s belief, in America as the promised land. And it defies generations of American leadership which helped defeat the Nazis, rebuild Europe, prevent nuclear Armageddon, and take down terrorists.

But whether this moment is a requiem or a recess for American leadership is up to all of us. Because for all of the chaos and suffering of the past 4 months, we’re still in a position to rebuild the enterprise. We can still return to being the indispensable nation, as Madeleine Albright used to say. But that requires recapturing our ambition to once again be big, and bold, and expansive, and engaged, and innovative. And it demands a forceful rejection of the false choices being presented about strength and greatness and patriotism.

We didn’t become the most powerful nation in human history by walling ourselves off from the world or by trying to extort friends and monetize every relationship. We’re the good guys. And that’s important for its own reasons – separate and apart from geopolitics, though it’s helpful with that too. Being the good guys is foundational to how we move through the world. It’s not woke or left or soft. It has been the perennial, bipartisan consensus since our founding.

Getting back to that is going to require all of us to do our part. And I really mean that. Many of you here have dedicated your lives to promoting our values and interests. Your work and your voice matter, now more than ever. This is a hard time, but it’s not the hardest of times. We’ve survived greater challenges before, and we can do it again. To save America as we know it, we all have a role to play, both in Congress, but especially outside of it. And as my colleague Sarah McBride’s dad said, if everyone has just a little bit of courage, then no one has to be a hero. So let’s get to it. Thank you.

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